Islamic Holy Days in Buntet - Buntet Pesantren Islamic Holy Days in Buntet - Buntet Pesantren
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    Wednesday, June 25, 2008

    Islamic Holy Days in Buntet


    The genuine Islamic nature of ritualised adat is
    probably best seen in the commemoration of either Islamic holy days or holy months. It is
    difficult to trace historically, when this type of ritual began. Rippin indicates that
    activities such as mawlid festivals for celebrating the
    birth of Prophet Muhammad were not fully established until about the thirteenth century
    A.D.[19] But commemoration of other days have explicit scriptural roots in the Qur'an and
    the Hadith, suggesting that it was already being practiced when the Prophet was still alive.

    In dealing with this subject, I am more concerned with how the commemorations are
    performed than with their historical origins, although the latter can not be ignored. There
    are at least four months in Islam which bear commemorative significance because they are
    claimed as sacred; they are: Dzu'l-Qa'idah (Kapit),
    Dzu'l-Hijjah (Raya Agung), Muharram (Sura) and Rajab (Rejep). These
    are respectively the eleventh, the twelfth, the first and the seventh month of  the
    Islamic and Javanese lunar calendar.[20] During these months Muslims are forbidden to engage in warfare unless forced into
    it for reasons of self-defence. This reckoning is rooted in the Holy Qur'an, saying:

    “The number of months (in a year) in the sight of Allah is twelve; so ordained by Him
    the day He created the heavens and the earth. Of them four are sacred; That is the right
    religion, so wrong not yourself therein …”[21]

    The Qur'an, in fact, does not mention these specific months, it is the commentators who
    instigated so.

    Along with these sacred months there are other months in which certain day(s) are held by
    many Muslims as being holy and on which they make celebration. They are: Safar (Sapar), Rabi' al-Awwal (Mulud),
    Sya'ban (Ruwah) and Ramadhan (Puasa), being respectively the second, the third, the eighth and the ninth months
    of the Javanese calendar. This makes eight out of the twelve months that have commemorative
    significance of one form or another. By means of commemoration or celebration, attachment to a
    Muslim identity is expressed.


    The significance, of these months can be traced in Islamic
    history rather than in any formal scriptural ordinance. The general pattern of commemoration
    and celebration of Islamic holy days consists of one, or a combination, of the following:
    invocation, fasting, non-obligatory prayer, recital of the Qur'an, recital of the biography of
    certain religious figures or of the related stories which sanctify that particular day or
    month, and offerings of food or other material.


    Although not necessarily, more often than not,
    celebration is accompanied by some form of feast. Currently, as a result of recent
    development, the commemoration of Islamic holy days focuses on pengajian (a  public speech) given by an orator intentionally called
    for this purpose. Pengajian reduces the many different
    forms of commemoration to a uniformity in which variations and differences are apparent only
    in the references, content and messages of the speaker.


    Suroan means celebrating or commemorating Suro or Sura. Etymologically,
    the word sura, in old Javanese (Kawi), means giant; in Sanskrit it means god or goddess, powerful, brave,
    warrior, monkey.[22] It is difficult to relate directly these meanings to this context. The most
    likely explanation is that it is local reference to the Arabic term ‘Asyura referring to the tenth (day) of Muharram.

    The first day of the month
    is, therefore, the new year and its celebration commemorates the new year of the Islamic
    lunar calendar. Its reckoning started on the day when the Prophet Muhammad and his
    companions fled from Mecca to seek refuge in Medina in AD 622. This refuge is referred to as
    hijrah, hence the calendar's name is derived and usually
    linked with the starting point for the rise of Islam and its historical upheaval.[23]


    A wise adaptation of the older Javanese calendrical system (tahun Saka) into the Islamic one was made in 1663 by Sultan Agung
    of Mataram with the Javanese starting point set at AD 78.[24] Under the new system the first month of the Javanese calendar coincided with the
    first month of the Islamic ones.

    In Cirebon, Suroan refers to either the first or the
    tenth day of Sura or Muharram. Along with the New Year
    celebration of the Javanese Islamic calendar the first of Sura is also acclaimed as the Hari Jadi (the
    Founding Day) of the city of Cirebon. The story goes back to the legend of 15th century
    Cirebon when Walangsungsang, son of Prabu Siliwangi, King of Pajajaran, and his younger
    sister Rarasantang, left the Pajajaran palace.


    In his nine-month adventure Walangsungsang
    obtained a wife, Indang Geulis, daughter of Sang Hyang Danuwarsih, a Hermit at the mount of
    Maarapi. He, his wife and his sister reached Pasambangan where they studied the Islamic
    faith with Syeikh Datu Kahfi and Syeikh Nurjati, religious teachers of Arab origin. After
    two years of study, Walangsungsang established a settlement at Kebon Pesisir on the southern
    side of Amparan Jati hill near the shore, some 5 km east of Pasambangan. A calculation made
    by the Committee for the history of Cirebon determined that this establishment occurred on 1
    Sura around AD 1445.

    Walangsungsang also built a place of worship named Tajug Jalagrahan,
    the oldest prayer house in Cirebon. Later, the settlement grew into a busy village and was
    visited and settled by people of various races, religions, languages, customs and means of
    livelihood. The village was then called Caruban which means the melting pot of various

    The celebration of the New Year and the Hari Jadi of
    Cirebon is, however, significant only among the kraton
    (court) circle and, currently, the local Government. Among the kraton circle, as Siddique noted, the celebration is performed by the reading
    of Babad Cirebon (Cirebon Chronicle) at the kraton and a procession to the grave complex at Astana Gunung


    For the local government, on the other hand, Hari
    is more like a civil festival than a religious one. Its celebration, which
    is officially organised by a committee specially set up for that purpose, takes a few weeks.
    Sports competitions and arts festivals, especially local arts such as Tarling opera, wayang golek,
    dance and serimpi, are the
    most important parts of the program. It culminates at night when a ceremony and display is
    held for the competition and festival winners. On the same night there are also open stages
    in front of Kecamatan and other government offices where these entertainments are performed.

    The sanctity of Muharram appears from the very name of the month in that, the Arabic
    word Muharram, exactly means “that which is made sacred” (derived from haram, meaning sacred). In addition, there is also a possibility
    that the name ‘Asyura is related to ‘asyu-nura (also Arabic) meaning those who have obtained divine


    According to local belief, the day of ‘Asyura, which falls on the tenth of Muharram, recalls a number of important
    events. It traces the history of the great monotheistic traditions. On 10 Muharram the first
    apostle of God, Adam, was sent to earth; God gave His grace to Adam and Eve when they sought
    repentance after being thrown out of paradise; Henoch (Idris) was endowed by God with a
    noble position; Noah and his disciples touched land safely with their ark; Abraham was saved
    without harm after being burned by the King Namrud of Babylon; Moses got revelation directly
    from God in the Sinai desert; Joseph was set free from jail and his name was cleared of the
    accusation of having raped Zulaikha, the then Egyptian King's wife. Yacob recovered from
    serious eye disease; Jonas came out safely from the belly of a sea monster (the giant
    khut/nun fish).


    The day of ‘Asyura also coincides with the recovery of Job (Ayyub) from serious cholera;
    it is the reunion of Jacob and Joseph after separation for forty years; it is the birth day
    of Jesus and his Ascension to heaven; it is also the day when the Prophet Muhammad married
    Khadijah; it is the day of the creation of the heavens, the earth, the Pen (Qalam), and of Adam and Eve.[26]

    To commemorate so many important events the Cirebonese perform slametan or sedekah, which according to
    their belief is one form of ibadat (in the broader
    sense). They offer bubur sura or bubur slabrak to be distributed to neighbours and close kin. Bubur sura or bubur slabrak is
    a rice flour porridge with coconut milk containing various food-stuffs. The message behind
    this act is clear. The porridge (bubur) itself, which is
    white in colour, symbolises the day of ‘Asyura, which is
    holy, whereas the various foodstuffs contained in the bubur symbolise the various events that occurred on the day they are
    celebrating. But who, when and where the adat of offering
    bubur sura in celebrating ‘Asyura was began is unclear. Man Kasman (57 years), a batik maker, speculates
    that it was initiated by a wali.

    While claiming that there is nothing wrong in having a slametan by offering bubur sura, even it is
    considered good because it is basically sedekah, and has
    become good adat, some fairly knowledgeable and devout
    individuals like Man Hawari (42 years) a thoughtful trader
    at Sumber Market, and others, suggested that the celebration of ‘Asyura would be better if it were conducted by performing some devotional
    undertaking such as fasting, voluntary prayer, reciting special invocations (du'a) called du'a ‘Asyura
    after sunset prayer, feeding orphans and giving other forms of sedekah. He said that according to his Kyai
    when he was in Pesantren Leler in Banyumas (Central
    Java), doing these things on the day of ‘Asyura is
    religiously meritorious.[27]

    Slametan, practiced by offering bubur sura, are still common in Trusmi. Pak Satira (38 years), a kerosene
    peddler, rarely does the prescribed prayers but he feels obliged to offer bubur sura to his neighbours and close kin because he
    thinks it is the easiest and most convenient way with which to express his obligation to
    remember God (kanga isling Ningi Pyengana).


    Saparan commemorates Sapar (Safar), the second month of the Javanese
    Islamic calendar. Sapar is locally known as the mating
    season for dogs, the locally considered unclean animal, and thus marriage is not
    recommended. Beside this, Sapar is believed to be the month in the year where frequent
    accidents, disasters and bad luck may occur (wulan kang akeh
    ) especially on the last Wednesday of the month (Rebo
    ). It is not clear why or how this belief arose, but referring to the
    warning of some gnostics (ahl al-Kashf), Al-Dairaby
    declares that each year God reveals 350,000 accidents or disasters; most of which occur on
    the last Wednesday of Sapar.

    This makes the day the most precarious day of the year. A
    suggested attempt to avoid disaster is to perform a four-unit prayer, at each unit, after
    the Fatiha, the practice is to recite respectively Surah
    al-Kautsar (QS:108) 17 times at the first unit, al-Ikhlas (QS:112) five times at the second unit, al-Falaq (QS:113) once and an-Nas
    (QS:114) once respectively at the third and fourth unit and conclude with a special
    du'a of ‘Asyura.[28]

    People take extra caution on this month by minimising long distant travel, dangerous
    work and sinful acts. Doing religiously good work such as helping others and giving
    sedekah, especially to orphans and widows, is highly
    recommended. In accordance with this, during the month of Sapar the Cirebonese have three peculiar popular traditions of commemoration:
    Ngapem, Ngirab, and Rebo

    Ngapem refers to apem,
    baked or steamed cakes made of lightly fermented rice-flour. Apem are to be eaten with kincah (a dark
    brown liquid made of palm sugar and  coconut milk). According to Man Syapi'i (62
    years), an ex-farmer and trader, ngapem, a special
    feature for slametan on Sapar, is just like any other
    slametan. Along with its social function of maintaining
    brotherhood and community bonds, it has at least two other functions.


    The offering itself is
    religiously meritorious because it is one form of sedekah. The type of food, as in other slametan, contains a symbolic message. In this case, a pair of apem and kincah remind
    recipients, neighbours and close kin, to be cautious because it is Sapar, the month with many misfortunes.

    Apem symbolises the flesh or the body. When it is eaten it must be put into the
    kincah symbolising blood and thus reminds recipients of
    the possibility of the body falling into some misfortune.

    Another informant said that ngapem is a relatively
    recent tradition initiated and spread from the court (kraton). Its root go back to the early decades of the 18th and 19th century Java
    when the Dutch attempted to suppress Islam and to spread Christianity.

    Muslims mostly failed
    in their resistance against the Dutch, the kafir
    (infidel). The failure of the Cirebonese revolt led by Bagus Serit and Bagus Rangin in 1818
    is said to occur on Sapar. Because of military inferiority, the kraton, to keep functioning, had no choice but to use a double standard. While
    accepting negotiation and cooperation with the Dutch, it simultaneously spread enmity among
    the people to encourage them to oppose the Dutch. One means of doing this was to commemorate
    Sapar, the month of misery, by symbolising the Dutch as
    apem which must be crushed to bloodshed, kincah.

    Because Sapar is a precarious month, a sudden death through accident or whatever is
    considered quite probable, especially on Rebo Wekasan.
    This is extremely unfortunate if it happens to someone who is in a sinful state. To
    anticipate this possibility and the coming of Rebo
    , Sunan Kalijaga, who was believed to have stayed in Cirebon to learn
    Islam from Sunan Gunung Jati, carried out an extra bathing for purification with his
    disciples at the Drajat river in preparation for  their religious devotion and
    repentance including ratib or tahlil.[29]

    This act was followed by others in subsequent years until finally it became
    adat. Until now, around Rebo
    people go to Kalijaga to perform ziarah at the petilasan (a remnant of
    dwelling) of Sunan Kalijaga. After ziarah, those who wish
    can go up the river in decorated boats, which is a recent development, and bathe at the site
    where Sunan Kalijaga and his disciples were believed to have bathed. This adat is called ngirab meaning
    originally, ‘shake something to remove the dirt on it.’ In this case it probably means
    removal of one's sins, a symbolic act of repentance. Currently, there are some people who
    take this adat as having serious spiritual meaning, but
    for the majority it is just a cheerful picnic or a form of annual recreation to forget about
    the miserable month of Sapar.

    The story of Sapar would be incomplete without
    touching upon the Rebo Wekasan which is its most crucial
    day. There is nothing special with the day except that, from the break up of night prayer
    (Isya) until dawn (subuh), youngsters, especially those who usually sleep in the tajug where they study the Qur'an (ngaji), split into groups of four to ten, and march from house to house chanting
    repeatedly in front of each door in chorus. Whenever they reach a house they chant:
    wur tawur nyi tawur, selamat dawa umur”, meaning “sow
    up Madam, may you be safe and have long life.”[30]

    The host then opens the door and, before giving them some money, asks: “Whose
    santri are you?” The group members answer by mentioning
    their Qur'anic teacher from whom they learn the Qur'an or, when they do not belong to any
    tajug, they answer: “Blok-an,” meaning “on a
    Block-basis,” and then mention the name of their hamlet. This means that the group is formed
    on a local basis,  the hamlet where they live, rather than on a tajug. They do this mostly for fun taking advantage of the
    prevailing adat. The money they get is distributed among
    themselves and used for their own purposes, most of them say for “jajan” (buying snacks).

    The story of the origin of this practice is probably more interesting than the adat itself. The practice is generally attributed to the
    legendary figure of Syeikh Siti Jenar also known as Syeikh Lemah Abang alias Syeikh Datuk
    Abdul Djalil alias Syeikh Jabaranta. Once, according to legend, he was a member of the
    council of Wali Sanga (Nine Wali or Saints). But later he was sentenced to death by the wali tribunal for
    being accused of teaching Sufi doctrine publicly, including to laymen who were really
    unprepared to receive it. This resulted in the laymen misunderstanding the real Sufi
    doctrine. They by-passed the syare'at (syari'ah), the prerequisite for taking a mystical path. His
    teaching therefore was thought by the wali council to be dangerous for the establishment of
    syare'at and the development of Islam as a whole.

    At a
    trial held at the Agung Mosque, it was said, Syeikh Lemah Abang could not deny this
    allegation, thence the death penalty was decreed and Sunan Kudus carried out the execution
    using Sunan Gunung Jati's keris (dagger), Kentanaga. Syeikh was buried at Pemlaten, a grave complex in the
    southern city of Cirebon. After his death many of his followers, the abangan (followers of the teaching of Lemah Abang) felt a deep loss and

    Sunan Kalijaga suggested and it was  agreed by Sunan Gunung Jati that
    under the guise of miserable Rebo Wekasan, the abangan group were advised to wander from house to house praying
    for the safety and long life of the villagers; in return the villagers were also advised to
    provide them with alms. Year after year such a practice was performed not only by the
    followers of Lemah Abang but also by the students at many tajug and other youngsters as well and, at last, became an adat.

    The story of Syeikh Siti Jenar or Lemah Abang seems to be the most obscure of the many
    legends of Javanese wali. He is very popular but nothing
    is known about him except his heretical mysticism and his open spreading of it. An example
    of the mystical flavour of Lemah Abang's heresy is indicated in the episode of how the
    wali council called Lemah Abang to come to the
    wali court. This episode is fairly well known in
    Cirebon, and dominates the whole story. The following is a concise summary of the episode
    given by Siddique:

    He was accused of publicly teaching a doctrine which could be summarised thusly: All
    that exists is a reflection of God, and because man exists, he is also a reflection of
    God. He was accused of heresy, and was invited to the wali council to explain his actions. He replied: “Syeikh Lemah Abang is not
    here, only God is here.” The council sent another messenger to address himself to God,
    whereupon Syeikh Lemah Abang answered: “God is not here only Syeikh Lemah Abang is
    here.” They then sent a messenger to ask for both God and Lemah Abang, and he had no
    choice but to follow them. At the meeting he failed to prove that his teachings had not
    led his pupils to false practices, like ignoring the five prayers, he was condemned to
    death and executed by Sunan Kudus …[32]

    Beside these stories, it is interesting that along with the probable connection between
    his name (Lemah Abang) and the well known term abangan,[33] some other intriguing questions remain unresolved.

    Based on Pustaka Negara Kretabhumi, one of the many
    Cirebonese Chronicles, T.D. Sudjana wrote an historical novelette about the political
    turmoil in Cirebon which happened preceding the execution of Lemah Abang. In his account,
    among other things, the army commander of the Kingdom of Cirebon, Adipati Carbon, son of
    Pangeran Cakrabuana (the founder of Cirebon), son of Prabu Siliwangi of Pajajaran, faced a
    serious dilemma having to choose between loyalty to his king and to his mystical teacher
    (guru or Syeikh) to
    whom he had performed bai'at (religious vow).

    While the
    king, his own cousin, Syarif Hidayatullah, had earnestly entrusted him with the security and
    welfare of the whole kingdom, the Syeikh (Lemah Abang),
    on the other hand, urged him to take power by overthrowing the ruler. To show that it was
    serious, Lemah Abang, on this occasion, came to Cirebon Girang, where Adipati Carbon
    resided, with Kebo Kenanga, Lord of Pengging (Central Java), and his army.

    The reason
    advocated by Lemah Abang for overthrowing the ruler was appealing. Adipati Carbon's father,
    Pangeran Cakrabuana, who had established the Cirebon kingdom, had been at fault in giving
    the throne to Syarif, his nephew, rather than to his son, Adipati Carbon himself while, in
    fact, it was he who was the right heir of Cirebon and the great Pajajaran kingdom. In his
    puzzle, the Adipati performed a prayer and then tawajuh
    (meditation to recall his Syeikh).

    He saw, in his
    contemplation, the figure of his Syeikh smiling at him
    cynically, but then the figure grew smaller and smaller and finally, turned into a jasmine
    (melati) before the figure disappeared, leaving only
    the jasmine fragrance, which he could still smell even when he was completely awake. After
    meditation, he felt, his inclination to  follow his Syeikh's instruction to rebel weaken. No sooner, had he decided what to do
    than his deputy, Ki Gedeng Cirebon Girang, brought him a message calling him to come
    immediately to the Agung Mosque where the wali council
    held an assembly. He went there immediately and found his Syeikh had already died. After burial he proposed a name for the site where his
    Syeikh was buried, “Pemlaten” or “Kemlaten”, meaning
    the place of melati (jasmine), in commemoration of his
    sight of the Syeikh during his contemplation.[34]

    The reliability of this story as an historical fact, whose main source is babad, is open to question, but the story illustrates the
    possibilities of new interpretations of Syeikh Lemah Abang. It is widely believed that all
    wali, including Syeikh Lemah Abang, were Sufi but,
    unlike other wali who were Sunni, Lemah Abang was said to
    belong to the Syi'ah Muntadzar sect who hold 12 Imam as
    their legitimate leaders. He came to Java from Baghdad and held a doctrine that claims that
    the Imam should be the supreme political figure in the
    state. Beside, Lemah Abang is considered to have held the wujudiyah Sufi doctrine, the same doctrine held by Al-Hallaj.[35] In the Babad Tanah Jawi he is said to have won converts of a number of rulers
    and their subjects in Pengging, Tingkir, Ngerang and Butuh.[36]

    Muludan and Rajaban

    M(a)uludan means celebrating m(a)ulud (from Arabic, mawlid, meaning
    birthday), the birth of the Prophet Muhammad on 12 Rabi'al-Awwal (Mulud), the  third
    month of Javanese Islamic calendar. Although the Prophet is also believed to have died on
    the same date of his birth date, his death is not significant in this celebration. Rajaban, on the other hand, means celebrating the event which
    happened on Rajab, the isra'-mi'raj or the Ascension of the Prophet Muhammad from the mosque of
    Al-Haram in Mecca to the mosque of Al-Aqsa in Jerusalem, and then to seven heavens, which
    occurred when the Prophet was 51 years and 9 months old, on the night of 27 Rajab (Rejep), in the seventh
    month of Javanese Islamic calendar. Both months (Mulud
    and Rejep) are probably, the two most significant months
    in Cirebon after the Fasting month.

    Like Grebeg Mulud or Sekaten at the courts of Yogyakarta and Surakarta in Central Java, Cirebon has
    its own Grebeg, called the Panjang-Jimat festival, held simultaneously at the three kraton, Kesepuhan, Kanoman and Keceribonan on the 12th of
    Mulud each year.[37] The festival, which attracts many people, from almost every stratum of
    Cirebonese society, has been described by Siddique who interprets it as a part of the
    machinery for the maintenance of the symbolic universe of Sunan Gunung Jati.[38]

    The festival consists of highly ritualised procedures pregnant with symbolic
    expressions. In the first place, it represents an expression of both solemnity and gaiety at
    the same time, due to the birth of the Apostle of God in this world. The focal point of the
    festival is a ceremony in the Kraton, followed by a
    carnival carrying the panjang jimat (long amulets), and
    other pusaka (heirlooms) from the Bangsal Agung
    Panembahan to the Langgar Agung at 9.00 p.m, and back to the Bangsal Agung Panembahan at
    11.00 p.m. At the Langgar Agung, before returning to the Bangsal Agung, aysraqalan is held led by the kraton religious officials  (Penghulu

    Sega rasul (literally means ‘apostle rice,’ a special
    rice cooked with turmeric and spices), is then served to those present. The crowd struggles
    eagerly to get a portion, even a small one, of this rice for its barakah (divine blessing).[40] The preparation for the whole procession begins on the 15th of Sura with the
    cleansing and painting of the kraton and the heirlooms
    (pusaka), done mainly by voluntary workers.[41]

    The main item exposed at the carnival is the panjang-jimat, the main pusaka, large oval
    Chinese porcelain plates, with symmetrical decoration of kalimat
    (Kalimah Syahadah), written in ornate
    Arabic scripts, which are believed to have been brought by Sunan Gunung Jati himself.
    Concerning the festival, Pakuningrat S.H, the Sultan of Kesepuhan, in his speech on the
    ceremony at the kraton main hall, Bangsal Prabayaksa, on
    September 10, 1992, explained among other things that the festival is nothing but a reminder
    to all. He said panjang means long or unceasing,
    jimat stands for si
    kang diru
    (mat) , the one that is solemnly preserved that is, the
    Kalimat Syahadat as it is written on the plates. The
    Panjang-jimat festival, thus, symbolises our concern
    for life-long and unceasing preservation of the Kalimat
    , or the religion of Islam.

    The carnival is basically an allegoric dramatisation of the momentous event when the
    Prophet was born. There are at least 19 important items at the carnival; one item follows
    the other and each is preceded by someone carrying lighted candles. The first is a man with
    a lit candle stick in his hand, who acts as a servant (khadam) walking to give light to the second item, two men who walk after him.
    One man  carrying a spear, represents Abu Thalib, the Prophet's uncle, and the
    other, an older man, represents Abd al-Muthalib, the Prophet's grandfather.

    They are walking
    at night time to send for a midwife. Next comes a group of men bringing ornamental
    decorations called manggaran, nagan, and jantungan symbolising the honour of Abd al-Muthalib's personage.
    A woman with a brass bowl (bokor) containing coins comes
    next, symbolising the dignity of the midwife; after her is a woman, bringing a tray with a
    bottle of distilled rose fluid (lenga mawar) to symbolise
    amniotic fluid (ketuban). This fluid is placed preceding
    the dignified newly born baby who is represented by the Sultan himself.[42]

    A tray containing goyah flower, paste and the
    powder of traditional herRebo Wekasan medicine held by a woman follows to symbolise the
    placenta. The penghulu kraton is seen acting as the one
    who cuts the umbilical cord. The core of the carnival is the exposition of panjang jimat, which comes to be the 12th item in the procession,
    like the 12 Rabi'al-Awwal or Mulud, the birth-day of the Prophet, whose mission is to propagate the syahadah. Each plate is cared for by two men with two escorts
    signifying a great concern with the syahadah; all of the
    carriers are kaum (care takers) of the Great Mosque,
    whose special duty is to be the guardians of the enactment of syahadah. The panjang jimat are seven in
    number signifying the kalimah syahadah is everyone's safe
    guide to pass the seven stages of the eschatological ladder (martabat pitu), one of the main doctrines of the Syattariyah order, the order
    traditionally maintained by the kraton.

    After the panjang jimat come a succession of other
    items; two men carrying jars containing beer to resemble the after-birth blood, followed by
    another two, each carrying a tray with a bottle on it, containing another type of beer which
    symbolises phlegm. A pendil (rice-cooking pot) containing
    sega-wuduk (spiced rice cooked with coconut milk), is
    carried by a man to symbolise the suffering of the mother at giving birth. Next to the
    pendil comes a tumpeng (rice-mount) with roasted chicken, called  sega jeneng (the rice of naming) symbolising thanksgiving
    (syukuran or slametan) for the birth of the baby. This slametan, at which the baby's name is given, is usually offered when the
    umbilical cord dries and is pulled off (puput).

    The last three items at the carnival are first, eight cepon (huge bamboo baskets) signifying the eight attributes of the Prophet. Four
    of these attributes are sidiq (truthful), amanah (trustworthy), tabligh
    (conveying), fathanah (intelligent). All are the ‘must
    attributes’ (sifat wajib) attached to the Prophet. The
    other four are the negation of these attributes, the ‘must not attributes' (sifat mustahil). They are kidzib (false hearted), khianat (betraying),
    kitman (corrupt), baladah (stupid).


    Each cepon is full of rice
    indicating prosperity and God's Grace for the whole world (rahmatan
    ). Next, come four meron or
    tenong (large round containers), representing mankind
    as created from the four elements, soil, water, air and fire. Another informant said they
    represent the four closest companions of the Prophets, the four Caliph, Abu Bakr, Omar,
    ‘Utsman and ‘Ali. Finally, there are four dongdang, also
    a type of large container, symbolising the spiritual elements of mankind consisting of
    Spirit (ruh), Words (Kalam), light (Nur) and witnesses (Syuhud) for the existence of God the greatest. Another informant
    said, they symbolise the four schools of Islam (madzhab):
    Maliki, Syafi'i, Hanafi and Hanbali.

    Similar festive processions of smaller size and different style, mainly centred on the
    cleansing and exposition of pusaka to the public also
    occur at some kramat (shrines), such as Astana Gunung
    Jati on the 11th, at Panguragan on the 12th, at Tuk on the 17th and at Trusmi on the 25th of
    Mulud each year.

    People in the villages also celebrate mulud in their
    own ways. The most common features are marhabanan (the
    ricital of marhaba or ‘welcome’), which is similar to
    asyraqalan, and pengajian (public speech). Pengajian range in
    intensity from the simplest and informal, involving only a small group and a local kyai sitting  together at a tajug or a mosque, to a glaring festive and formal assembly, attracting
    thousands of spectators with a famous speaker.


    Another important month after Mulud is Rajab, which is commemorated by means of
    Rajaban. In Cirebon, Rajaban mostly involves pengajian but unlike
    muludan whose main theme is the birth of the Prophet,
    the main theme of rajaban centres around the Ascension of
    the Prophet from Mecca to Jerusalem on which the Qur'an (S 17:1) says:

    Glory to (Allah) who did take His servant for a journey by night from the Sacred
    Mosque (Masjid al-Haram, in Mecca) to the Farthest Mosque (the mosque of al-Aqsa), whose
    precincts We did Bless, in order that We might show him some of Our signs: for He is the
    One Who hearth and seeth (all things).

    Concerning the Ascension of Muhammad to heaven, Adnan mentions among other
    things a tradition transmitted by Al-Ghaiti as a scriptural basis, saying:

    “And then he (the Prophet) was given (by God) means of Ascension to where the
    spirits of Adam's descendants go.”[43]

    While there is a disagreement among intellectuals on the nature of the Ascension,
    whether it involved physical or spiritual Ascension, the local belief definitely follows the
    traditionalist contention advocated in many pengajian,
    claiming that the Ascension involved the whole entity of Muhammad's human nature as a
    “servant” which therefore comprised both his spiritual and physical elements.


    They consider
    the phenomenon of Muhammad's Ascension as a catalytic test-case to determine whether or not
    a believer is sincere. An example of a sincere believer is  Abu Bakr as-Shidq (the
    first Caliph) who accepted the story without reserve merely because the story came from the
    Prophet. Many others did not believe because it was technically impossible. What had
    happened during the prophesy, it is said, can also happen now. The phenomenon is, according
    to Pak Sa'id (53 years), an office clerk at Kecamatan Weru, unthinkable and thus, beyond
    human rationality. Sincere believers will accept it, whereas non-sincere may reject it. For
    those who believe in it regard the Ascension as the work of God, rather than the work of
    Muhammad. Nothing is impossible when God wishes it.

    Many proponents use the achievement of
    advanced space technology, which was unthinkable a few decades or centuries ago, yet has now
    become reality, as support for the acceptability of the Ascension. Traditional pengajian, on the other hand, taking the event for granted as a
    part of Islamic belief, recount a detailed story of the Ascension, including how the Prophet
    underwent a heart operation from Jibril prior to his Ascension, met with the previous
    prophets in the heavens during the journey and then went back to Mecca with a prescription
    from God for the Muslims to observe the five daily prayers. The name of the month Rajab (Ra-Ja-B) itself, which
    they claim as consisting of three Arabic letters ra
    [R], jim [J] and ba [B], substantiates the event. Each letter stands respectively for R-asulullah (the Messenger of
    Allah), J-ibril
    (Gabriel) and B-uraq
    (the vehicle for Ascension).

    With respect to asyraqalan (the recital of asyraqal badru ‘alayna) or marhabanan conducted mainly during the month of Mulud and Rajab, it may be requested by an
    individual who invites his neighbours to come to his house or tajug for that purpose, or by common agreement, it may be held at the desa mosque. In either case, the participants sit together on
    mats in rectangular formation. In their midst there is a jar containing pure water and a
    tray containing flowers and perfume.


    Some Arabic books, Al-Barzanji are placed on benches or pillows in neat cases. When they think that
    most expected participants are present, the performance starts.  There is a lack of
    formality in it although the solemnity is significant. Sometimes, men and women are
    simultaneously involved, but they are separated by a curtain. In most cases women have their
    own group and do it at different occasions. When it is about to start, incense is sometimes
    burned and the fragrance helps intensify the spiritual atmosphere.

    A set of Al-Fatiha is recited whose merit is directed
    to the Prophet, his wives, his descendants, his companions, and his followers dead or alive.
    Then the leader, one who is well acquainted with Al-Barzanji and having a good chanting voice, takes the first recital of Arabic
    lyrics of twelve verses taken from Al-Barzanji or
    Mawlid al-Diba ’i. Each contains appeals to God to give
    the highest dignity to the Prophet, his ancestors and his descendants, and merit to his
    companions, his followers, participants in the gathering and all Muslims. The first verse
    reads as follows:

    Oh God [please] exalt Muhammad - oh God [please] exalt him and give him peace.[44]

    This verse is repeated by others in chorus; the same verse is also chanted in response
    to the leader each time he finishes reciting each of the twelve verses. When this is over,
    they move to reciting the poetic narrative of the family background of the Prophet before he
    was born: of his parents, his ancestors, his clan and the situation of Mecca at that time.
    The recital is done by several people one after another in turn and when the recital comes
    to a verse which speaks of the eventual birth of the Prophet, all participants rise up,
    standing to show spontaneous respect, honour and joy, while chanting another verse in

    Allah exalts Muhammad, Allah exalts him and endowed him with peace.[45]

    While standing solemnly, the leader chants the following verse and the others

    Welcome the light of the eyes, welcome grandfather of

    Welcome and best regard, welcome the best

    This verse is repeated again and again by all participants in
    response to the leader each time he chants a verse. Sometimes a participant takes the
    initiative to change the melody, after shouting in Arabic: “O God, (please) exalt Muhammad,”
    the other reply: “(Certainly) God exalts him and endows him with peace.” Then he starts with
    further chants in a new melody. The first four verses of the lyrics translate as

    O, Prophet peace be upon you, O, Apostle peace be upon

    O, Beloved peace be upon you, Allah's exaltation be upon

    Already arises the full moon upon us, thence [all other]
    lights are dimmed, the most beautiful thing we have seen, is the sight of you oh the
    most cheerful face


    No less than 22 verses are chanted in various melodies before they
    sit again to conclude the performance with a du'a. When
    the du'a is finished, some participants take some flowers
    and/or drink the water; foods are also served by the host. After eating and chatting they
    stand up asking permission to leave the house, and the host answers them with thanks. Some
    hosts provide brekat some others do not.[48]


    Ruwahan commemorates Ruwah, the eighth month of Javanese calendar which coincides with Sya'ban, the
    eight month of the Islamic calendar. The Javanese  ruwah, may be derived from Arabic ruh (pl.
    arwah), meaning spirit. According to popular belief, on
    the night of 15th, the mid of the Ruwah (Nisfu Sya'ban) the tree of life on whose leaves the names of the
    living are written is shaken. The names written on leaves that fall indicate the mortals who
    will die in the coming year.[49] Not surprisingly, a number of people use the day to commemorate the dead or to
    visit the graves.[50]

    Conforming to this tradition, a hadith transmitted by Tirmidzi states that on the night
    of Nisfu (mid of) Sya'ban God descends to the lowest heaven and calls the mortals in order to
    grant them forgiveness. An informant in Cirebon called this month panen pangapura (the harvest time of forgiveness) and thus, it is a good time
    for those who wish forgiveness. After sunset prayer of the 15th day of the month (limalase ruwah) or Nisfu
    , the devout will read the Surat Yasin
    (Sura 36 of the Holy Qur'an) three times and fast on the day. For most village people,
    Ruwah is known as the month for dedonga (to utter du'a) and ngunjung (literally meaning ‘to visit’). Led by the Kuwu (Desa Chief) and elders, they visit the graves of their
    ancestors, especially the founder of the desa called the
    Ki Gede or Ki Buyut
    if the founder was a man or Nyi Gede or Nyi Buyut if the founder was a woman. Sometimes this procession
    turns into a carnival.

    In Kalitengah, the villagers held ngunjung by making
    a marching visit. They took a six kilometre route from the desa to the Astana Gunung Jati grave complex, where the founder of the desa, Nyi Gede Kalitengah, is buried, just outside the east wall
    of Sunan Gunung Jati's shrine. The one-hour march was attended by  approximately
    300 people, men and women of various ages, led by the kuwu and local elders. The focal point is not the march itself but the dedonga. Some people carried foods partly to be offered to the
    key bearer (juru kunci) of the Astana grave complex,
    partly for their own consumption after the break up of dedonga. At Astana they first visited Sunan Gunung Jati's grave, sat on the
    floor in front of the third door of the nine-door shrine and prayed there by reciting
    tahlil. The door is normally closed but on this
    occasion, as a service to Kalitengah people, it is opened. No one is allowed to step beyond
    this limit, they only look at the ascending pathway to Sunan Gunung Jati's tomb.

    After this, they went to Nyi Gede Kalitengah also to perform, tahlil, the same thing as they did in front of Sunan Gunung Jati's tomb. One
    of the elders, Pak Suganda (57 years), an army veteran, explained that the purpose of the
    ngunjung is to express thankfulness to Nyi Gede, who
    first came to Kalitengah and settled there. At this ngunjung ceremony they ask God to pardon all her sins and give her a good life
    in the hereafter. Beside this, they also believe that by carrying out this action, if God so
    wishes, it is not only Nyi Gede who will obtain merit but also those who pray for her and
    inhabit the desa because what they do is a good thing.

    The reason for choosing Ruwah for carrying out this
    ritual, according Pak Suganda, is unclear except that it has become their adat, and they feel there is no reason to change or abolish it,
    as “there is nothing wrong with such an adat.”

    I saw
    there were also groups from other desa who did the same
    thing and explained its purpose in about the same way. As an expression of their respect
    some groups even choose this event as a good moment to renovate their Ki/Nyi Gede's shrine.
    Another informant said that taking the middle of Ruwah to visit the graves has its root in
    various traditions of the Prophet. One of these traditions is based on a story telling that
    once, on Nisfu Sya'ban, the Prophet secretly went to
    Baqi’ (a grave complex in Medina) and prayed there so intensely with his tears flowing. Ali,
    his companion and  son-in-law, followed him secretly and watched from a distance
    what the Prophet did. Seeing that the Prophet cried, Ali came and asked why. The Prophet
    explained that it was the night of forgiveness of sin (lailat
    ) and he (the Prophet) was praying for forgiveness from God for his
    ancestors and believers who might have sins. This indicates also that Islam, in its own way,
    has a form of ancestor cult.


    Along with the traditions surrounding the fasting month (Ramadhan) and riaya, there is Syawalan or Raya Syawal for
    celebrating Syawal (Syawwal), the tenth month of Javanese Islamic calendar. For the pious, beginning
    on the day after the end of Ramadan, they fast for six more days. Raya Syawal, the 8th day of Syawal marks
    the end of the fast. The celebration is made by going to the Astana Grave complex for a
    ziarah (visit). On this occasion all the nine doors
    along the ascending pathway to Sunan Gunung Jati's tomb are opened to give way for the three
    Sultans of Kesepuhan, Kanoman and Kecirebonan and their families, who make a visit to Sunan
    Gunung Jati's tomb.

    The visit is made after attending a ceremony at each of the kraton. They come there still in their formal kraton clothing. Upon their return from ziarah to the kraton, a crowd struggle to
    shake hands with them. Sultan Kanoman and his family, in particular, hold a slametan attended by Astana custodians. Siddique (1978:136)
    claims that through this procession and visitation, the sultans’ position at the apex of the
    religious hierarchy among the kraton milieu is

    Among the mass of the populace who come and go there on that occasion, flocking around
    the burial complexes, at the square, at the mosque, at Gunung Jati, on the street, numbering as many as 150,000 people, most people pay
    no attention to the Sultans and their consorts. Along with dedonga, they would rather take the occasion as a recreational opportunity to
    enjoy the gathering and to see the beautiful  panorama toward the sea from the top
    of Gunung Jati.

    It is true that the presence of Sultans is a special attraction for many
    people, but more importantly the two lawang pungkur (back
    doors) at the left and right wings of the grave complex, leading to the graves of Ki or Nyi
    Gede of various desa are also opened and thus they can
    ascend and descend around the grave complex at the top of Gunung Sembung from one lawang pungkur at the east wing to another one at the west.

    therefore come to Astana on Raya Syawal for dedonga at three tombs: at Sunan Gunung Jati's, at the Ki or Nyi
    Gede's who are buried at Gunung Sembung, and then across the main road up to the hill of
    Gunung Jati, at Syeikh Datuk Kahfi's. Syeikh Datuk Kahfi is known as the first Islamic
    teacher who came from Arabia to Cirebon in the early 15th century and resided at Gunung Jati
    where Rarasantang, Sunan Gunung Jati's mother, and her elder brother Walangsungsang, learned
    Islam. Upon his death the Syeikh was also buried there.
    Another occasion like Syawalan also occurs on the 11th of
    Mulud and the 10th of Raya



    Adobted from the Book

    The Islamic Traditions of Cirebon

    Ibadat and Adat Among Javanese Muslims


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